By Theresa M. Ronquillo, Second Year Administration

One afternoon in 1994, two carloads of teenagers drove up alongside another group of teenagers hanging out. From one of the cars, a sixteen year old boy pulled out a Mac-12 semiautomatic handgun and fired several times into the group. As a result, another teenager tragically lost her life. The trigger-man was convicted of first-degree murder for the drive-by shooting and sentenced to fifty-two years in a state penitentiary. According to some newspaper reports, he was a bright, talented student who came from a stable middle-class family. However, unbeknownst to his family, he was also a member of a loose-knit gang composed of Filipino and Southeast Asian youths. The victim, a non-gang member, got caught in the crossfire between two rival Asian youth gangs.
The proliferation of youth gangs and violence nationwide unfortunately renders a story such as this one all-too-familiar. It is now common to read about such events in newspapers and watch them on the evening news. Yet, while the distressing stories of these gang youths may provoke feelings of grief and anger, many of us choose to ignore the realities of gangs and gang violence typically found in inner cities, ghettos, and barrios. However, the incident recounted above continues to be profoundly real and personal for my family and I as the trigger-man is a relative. Nearly five years later, when I think about his tragic mistake and its consequences, I am still filled with emotions of disbelief, confusion, anger, and remorse for the victimÕs family as well as my own. Similar to other families forced to deal with such an immensely tragic event, my family has had an extremely difficult time accepting that such an incident could actually happen.
His case has compelled me to probe into the deeper issues surrounding the Asian youth gang phenomenon. Because I knew relatively little about Asian youth gangs, I had many pressing questions and set out to find answers through my courses, fieldwork, and research. This article attempts to examine the answers to several of the most significant questions. These include: what causes Asian youths to join gangs? What purposes do gangs serve in these youths' lives? How are Asian gangs distinct from other ethnic and white gangs? How do the police, agencies, and communities address the Asian youth gang phenomenon, i at all? And, similar to youths from lower-class backgrounds, why are many youths from middle-class upbringings unable to escape or protect themselves from the debilitating consequences of gangs and gang violence?

Characteristics of Asian Youth Gangs
Since Asian youth gang members comprise a small proportion of youth gang members reported by either law enforcement or non-law enforcement organizations (1.6% and 2.2%, respectively) [Spergel, 1995], research regarding Asian youth gangs is somewhat limited. Nonetheless, the emergence of Asian youth gangs in communities with large Asian concentrations has attracted the attention of law enforcement agencies, consequently generating some useful information about []this particular phenomenon (Chen & True, 1994). According to Spergel (1995), growing numbers of criminal and violent Asian youth gangs were reported in the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s. These gangs have dispersed from the West and East coasts to inland American cities. Spergel has identified various factors that have contributed to the development of Asian youth gangs. First, the expansion of immigration quotas during the 1960Õs and 1970Õs perpetuated the influx of Asian immigrants and refugees into the U.S. In some cases, immigrant youths formed their own distinctive ethnic gangs or they became integrated into older established gangs (Spergel, 1995). Second, social isolation of new Asian immigrants and tension between Asian immigrant groups and other ethnic and white communities may also encourage the formation of Asian youth gangs 's defensive groups to protect against the hostility of the established youth groups and gangs'(Spergel, 1995, p.68).
Gang research reveals that a complexity of social, cultural, and familial factors may lead to gang membership. Though there may be some variations among the different Asian cultural groups, a number of background factors have been identified as potential causal factors for Asian gang affiliation: financial rewards, status, peer pressure, and feelings of power and camaraderie with other members. Family conflicts, the lack of supervision at home, and the inability to succeed in school because of English-language problems and cultural conflicts, as well as alienation from the larger community due to racism have also been cited as significant factors for gang affiliation (Chen & True, 1994). Asian gangs have significant differences from typical African American, Latino, and white gangs. For example, compared to other gangs, Asian youth gang activities (with some exceptions) place less emphasis on graffiti and the protection of 'turf'and territory. They also tend to be more secretive than non-Asian gang members. Indeed, 'secrecy and remaining anonymous to law enforcement is a constantly sought goalÓ (Operation Safe Streets Gang Detail, 1994,
p. 41). As their street presence is relatively low, it is subsequently difficult for police to penetrate these gangs. Finally, Asian youth gangs are also less interested in status, honor, or reputation; they are more involved in criminal-gain and money-generating activities such as extortion, burglary, and the sale of narcotics (Spergel, 1995). In accordance, the increase in the number of crimes and the degree of criminality perpetrated by Asian gangs seems to be rising, particularly among Asian immigrant youth (Chin, 1990). For instance, an investigation into violent deaths in Los Angeles revealed that the percentage of gang-related homicides for Asians was 4.8% of the total- a figure that was higher than the percentages for Whites and African Americans (1% and 2%, respectively) [Chen & True, 1994].
It is also important to recognize the numerous variations among Chinese, Filipino, Indochinese (Vietnamese, Cambodian, Thai, Laotian, and Hmong), and other Asian gangs. For instance, Japanese, Taiwanese, and Hong Kong youth gangs are reported to be better organized and more secretive (Spergel, 1995). Many Japanese and Chinese gangs tend to resemble more organized crime syndicates rather than street gangs. These gangs may invest in legitimate U.S. business in order to accommodate their illegal activities (e.g. money laundering, illegal gambling) and to present a facade of legitimacy and respectability (Operation Safe Streets Gang Detail, 1994). Chinese youth gangs are also often closely associated with well-established adult groups and controlled to a considerable degree by them (Spergel, 1995). On the other hand, Indochinese gangs, Pacific Islander gangs, and Filipino gangs embody more typical characteristics of street gangs. They are more involved in auto theft, burglaries, and the theft and resale of weapons. Furthermore, many of these gangs have adopted characteristics of Black and Latino gangs, such as the styles of dress and speech; certain Samoan gangs are even reported to have been assimilated into Black gangs. Vietnamese gangs, unlike other ethnic gangs, are often extremely mobile because they are not embedded in Vietnamese communities. They may engage in regional or nationwide crime sprees, committing robberies in different U.S. cities. Violent acts are said to be relatively more likely among Vietnamese, Chinese, Cambodian, and Laotian youth gangs, as compared to Khmer or Hmong gangs (Spergel, 1995). Finally, it has also been observed that some Asian gangs, Filipino gangs in particular, may evolve from well-educated and affluent families (Operation Safe Streets Gang Detail, 1994). This is a clear indication that the formation of Asian youth gangs cuts across all socioeconomic lines and, therefore, is not a phenomenon concentrated solely in economically depressed communities.

The Lack of Chicago Data
It is important to emphasize that most information on Asian youth gangs comes from large cities (e.g. Los Angeles) that have experienced a marked emergence of Asian youth gangs and have chosen to further investigate and gather data on the phenomenon. In contrast, information from the Chicago Police Department and other criminal justice authorities is virtually devoid of Asian youth gangs, perhaps because they still consider the Asian youth gang problem and its societal impact in Chicago to be low, as compared to Latino and African American gangs.
Regardless of whether or not the phenomenon is significant or large enough to be characterized as a 'problem,' it is unfortunate that the city has consistently failed to acknowledge fully the presence of Asian youth gangs. The minimal attempts to address the emergence of Asian gangs in Chicago have been ill-equipped. For example, until recently the FBI's Asian Gang Task Force was comprised entirely of white officers. Yet, Asian police officers would be more likely to make meaningful contacts with Asian gang members and Asian community members than non-Asian officers.
Just as the Chicago criminal justice community places little focus on Asian youth gangs, many Asian communities continue to insulate themselves from them. And, many Asian communities believe that while other ethnic groups have a gang problem, they themselves do not. While most Asian youth gangs target members of their own community in their criminal activities, the reporting of Asian gang-motivated crimes is quite low because Asians generally distrust law enforcement and/or may be fearful of gang retaliation. In 1996, police estimated that at least 250 youths were involved in Asian gangs in Chicago (Chicago Tribune, 1996). However, due to the fact that three years have elapsed and crime reporting is still low, the number and nature of Asian youth gangs in Chicago remains uncertain. Such daunting barriers render it even more imperative that attention and resources are devoted to the emerging Asian youth gang phenomenon in order to increase needed awareness in the pan-Asian community as well as the larger Chicago community.
In order to compensate for gaps in the research and data and to better assess the pan-Asian community's knowledge of and exposure to youth gangs in Chicago, I developed and administered a short gang awareness survey to 60 Asian high-school students on the North side of Chicago. Preliminary analysis of the data reveals that exposure to and awareness of gangs in general is indeed growing among this population. 82 percent of the respondents reported that they have a general sense of what a gang is. An item that asked respondents if they could identify the names of gangs in their community produced 11 distinct gang names. 74 percent reported that they see gangs hanging out at school, and 44 percent reported that they see gangs hanging out in the neighborhood. Also, 45 percent reported some level of fear in going to school because of gangs or gang activity occurring there, and 35 percent reported some level of fear in going to certain parts of their neighborhood. Although this survey was not comprehensive and the pool of respondents was small, the preliminary results clearly suggest that gangs are indeed a presence in this community and in the students' daily lives.

Implications for Policies and Programs: A Culturally Relevant Approach

In order to adequately accommodate the cultural variations found among different Asian youth gangs, interventions addressing the Asian youth gang phenomenon must be culturally relevant. To gain a better understanding of gang structure, motivation, and behavior, which are often related to ethnicity and culture, programs targeting Asian gangs should encompass indicators of cultural sensitivity, such as language capability, ethnic minority staff members, cultural training, and the involvement of gang members in the development of programs in order (Goldstein & Soriano, 1994). It is important not to underscore however the significance of three vital cultural sensitivity goals: (1) knowledge and objectivity in espousing non-biased evaluative judgements of behaviors exhibited by gang members and the cultural groups they represent; (2) making useful contacts with gangs and communities through culturally similar and/or linguistically-appropriate staff; and (3) receiving input from gang members and the cultural group they represent.
As Asian gang awareness in the pan-Asian community and the larger community needs to be heightened, a community organizing approach to this phenomenon would be both appropriate and effective. Community organization or neighborhood mobilization efforts would attempt to bring together various community members, groups and agencies to push for coordinated efforts to address concerns related to Asian gangs (Goldstein & Soriano, 1994). The ultimate goals of such efforts are to enhance community empowerment and develop and implement solutions through collaborative problem solving. Community organizing initiatives that address the Asian youth gang phenomenon should include the following:
¥ Establish trusting connections between the police and the pan-Asian community in order to reduce fear in crime reporting. Developing a more respectful, productive rapport may result in positive outcomes, such as the participation of the community in needed public safety activities and training community members in gang recognition and intervention procedures.
¥ Increase awareness throughout the different communities by holding community forums and educational workshops for Asian parents and families. The forums and workshops would provide a safe place to discuss issues such as the causes and potential signs of gang affiliation, as well as imparting valuable intervention methods to use with children such as effective parent involvement and communication.
¥ Develop and implement Asian youth gang prevention and intervention strategies such as educating young people about the dangers of gangs, providing alternative youth activities and job opportunities, and youth and family counseling.
¥ Mobilize support from community leaders, agencies, churches, schools, etc. from the various Asian communities and coordinate program activities through the different institutions.

 

Conclusion
The Asian youth gang phenomenon is complex and distinct, yet unfortunately understudied. Much of the available research on Asian youth gangs is concentrated in certain urban areas; therefore, it is possible that such information may not be representative of the general Asian youth gang population. Although Chicago has a substantially growing Asian immigrant population, and therefore, an emerging Asian gang presence, communities and criminal justice centers have continued to fail in appropriately addressing this particular phenomenon. Due to this lack of attention, there are very few Asian youth programs that tackle the gang component.
More attention, resources, and research can and should be directed towards Asian youth gangs and the development of interventions and programs nationwide. Whether or not my relative could have benefited from such interventions is impossible to say. What is certain is that the debilitating situation my relative finds himself in now and for the rest of his life (as well as thousands of other young people like him) should send a clear message to all of us who are concerned about youth gangs. We must become increasingly aware of the violent realities that penetrate the lives
of youth, families, and communities, and start taking action to address the entire youth gang problem, rather than
concentrate predominately on what is most visible, widely researched, or well-published.